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| author | Silvio Rhatto <rhatto@riseup.net> | 2019-09-16 22:19:42 -0300 | 
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| committer | Silvio Rhatto <rhatto@riseup.net> | 2019-09-16 22:19:42 -0300 | 
| commit | 2bf1983ea6058d29a833746caca11daed2365740 (patch) | |
| tree | 3d463def38f10496c0de9566bb29b097be088aed | |
| parent | db7af95a3db06a6180a529a64becb0adf0e57c1f (diff) | |
| download | blog-2bf1983ea6058d29a833746caca11daed2365740.tar.gz blog-2bf1983ea6058d29a833746caca11daed2365740.tar.bz2  | |
Updates sociology
| -rw-r--r-- | books/sociology/counterrevolution.md | 315 | 
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diff --git a/books/sociology/counterrevolution.md b/books/sociology/counterrevolution.md index 273dad4..4a29d63 100644 --- a/books/sociology/counterrevolution.md +++ b/books/sociology/counterrevolution.md @@ -1260,3 +1260,318 @@ Counterinsurgency goes domestic:      well as the specific NSA surveillance programs, makes domestic total      information awareness possible, and in turn lays the groundwork for the other      two prongs of counterinsurgency in the domestic context. + +    [...] + +    This idea of an occupied territory, of a colony within a nation, resonates +    perfectly with what we have witnessed in terms of the domestication of the +    counterinsurgency. I would just push the logic further: we have not simply +    created an internal colony, we have turned the nation itself into a colony. We +    govern ourselves through modern counterinsurgency warfare as if the entire +    United States was now a colonial dominion like Algeria, Malaya, or Vietnam. + +    [...] + +    These incidents—large and small, but all devastating for those targeted—also +    serve another objective of the domesticated counterinsurgency: to make the rest +    of us feel safe and secure, to allow us to continue our lives unaffected, to avoid +    disrupting our consumption and enjoyment. They serve to reassure, and also, in +    demonizing a phantom minority, to bring us all together against the specter of +    the frightening and dangerous other. It makes us believe that there would be, +    lurking in the quiet suburbs of Dallas or Miami, dangerous insurgents—were it +    not for our government. And these effects feed into the third prong of a + +    [...] + +    We had seen earlier, within counterinsurgency theory, similar debates +    between population-centric and enemy-centric theorists. The enemy-centric +    approach tended to be the more brutal, but more focused. The population-centric +    favored the more legal and social-investment approaches. I argued then that they +    were just two facets of the same paradigm. + +    Here the debate is between population-and/or-enemy-centric theories versus +    individual-centric theory. But here too, I would argue, this is a false dichotomy. +    Again, these are just two facets of the same thing: a counterinsurgency paradigm +    of warfare with three core strategies. Like the population-and/or-enemy-centric +    theories, individual-centric theory naturally entails both incapacitating the +    individual terrorist or insurgent—eliminating him and all of the active minority +    —and preventing or deterring his substitution or replacement. + +    [...] + +    But rather than buy into this dichotomy of counterinsurgency and leaner +    antiterrorism, what history shows instead is a growing convergence of the two +    models in the United States since the 1960s. Counterinsurgency and domestic +    antiterrorism efforts, entwined from the start, have converged over time. The +    individual incapacitation strategy meshes perfectly into the counterinsurgency +    approach. And it leads seamlessly from the domestication of the second prong of +    counterinsurgency to the domestication of the third. + +### Distraction and diversion + +    MANY OF US WILL NOT RECOGNIZE OURSELVES, OR A MERICA for that matter, in +    these dreadful episodes—in the waterboarding and targeted assassinations +    abroad or in the militarization of our police forces, in the infiltration of Muslim +    mosques and student groups or in the constant collection of our personal data at +    home. Many of us have no firsthand experience of these terrifying practices. Few +    of us actually read the full Senate torture report, and even fewer track drone +    strikes. Some of us do not even want to know of their existence. Most of us are +    blissfully ignorant—at least most of the time—of these counterinsurgency +    practices at home or abroad, and are consumed instead by the seductive +    distractions of our digital age. + +    And that’s the way it is supposed to be. As counterinsurgency is +    domesticated, it is our hearts and minds that are daily being assuaged, numbed, +    pacified—and blissfully satisfied. We, the vast majority of us, are reassured +    daily: there are threats everywhere and color-coded terror alerts, but +    counterinsurgency strategies are protecting us. We are made to feel that +    everything’s under control, that the threat is exterior, that we can continue with +    our daily existence. Even more, that these counterinsurgency strategies will +    prevail. That our government is stronger and better equipped, prepared to do +    everything necessary to win, and will win. That the guardians are protecting us. +    The effort to win the hearts and minds of the passive American majority is +    the third aspect of the domestication of counterinsurgency practices—perhaps +    the most crucial component of all. And it is accomplished through a remarkable +    mixture of distraction, entertainment, pleasure, propaganda, and advertising— +    now rendered all so much more effective thanks to our rich digital world. In +    Rome, after the Republic, this was known as “bread and circus” for the masses. +    Today, it’s more like Facebook and Pokémon GO. + +    We saw earlier how the expository society entices us to share all our personal +    data and how this feeds into the first prong of counterinsurgency—total +    information awareness. There is a flip side to this phenomenon: keeping us +    distracted. The exposure is so pleasurable and engaging that we are mostly kept +    content, with little need for a coordinated top-down effort to do so. We are +    entranced—absorbed in a fantastic world of digitally enhanced reality that is +    totally consuming, engrossing, and captivating. We are no longer being rendered +    docile in a disciplinarian way, as Michel Foucault argued in Discipline and +    Punish. We are past notions of docility. We are actively entranced—not +    passively, not in a docile way. We are actively clicking and swiping, jumping +    from one screen to another, checking one platform then another to find the next +    fix—Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Google, YouTube, and on and on. +    Winning over and assuaging the passive majority might be accomplished— +    indeed, has been accomplished in the past—through traditional propaganda, such +    as broadcast misinformation about the insurgent minority, and through the top- +    down provision of entertainment to keep us from thinking about politics. The +    new digital world we live in has rendered these older strategies obsolete. As the +    counterinsurgency’s mandate to pacify the masses has been turned on the +    American people, the third prong of modern warfare looks and works differently +    than it did in previous times and in other places. +    Things have changed. Just a few years ago, our politicians still had to tell us + +    [...] + +    Pokémon GO has already run its course, but that is to be expected. Another +    digital obsession will follow. These platforms are supposed to capture all of our +    attention for a while, to captivate us, to distract us—and simultaneously to make +    us expose ourselves and everything around us. This is the symbiosis between the +    third and first prongs of the domesticated counterinsurgency: while it pacifies us, +    a game like Pokémon GO taps into all our personal information and captures all +    our data. At first, the game required that players share all their personal contacts. +    Although that was eventually dropped, the game collects all our GPS locations, +    captures all the video of our surroundings in perfectly GPS-coded data, and +    tracks us wherever we are. Plus, even though it is free, many players are buying +    add-ons and in the process sharing their consumption and financial data. The +    more we play, the more we are distracted and pacified, and the more we reveal +    about ourselves. + +    [...] + +    The distractions are everywhere: e-mail notifications, texts, bings and pings, +    new snapchats and instagrams. The entertainment is everywhere as well: free +    Wi-Fi at Starbucks and McDonald’s, and now on New York City streets, that +    allow us to stream music videos and watch YouTube videos. And of course, the +    advertising is everywhere, trying to make us consume more, buy online, +    subscribe, and believe. Believe not only that we need to buy the recommended +    book or watch the suggested Netflix, but also believe that we are secure and safe, +    protected by the most powerful intelligence agencies and most tenacious military +    force. Believe that we can continue to mind our own business—and remain +    distracted and absorbed in the digital world—because our government is +    watching out for us. + +    The fact is, the domestication of counterinsurgency has coincided with the +    explosion of this digital world and its distractions. There is a real qualitative +    difference between the immediate post–9/11 period and today. One that is +    feeding directly into the third strategy of modern warfare. +    Meanwhile, for the more vulnerable—those who are more likely to veer +    astray and perhaps sympathize with the purported internal enemy—the same +    digital technologies target them for enhanced propaganda. The Global +    Engagement Center, or its equivalents, will profile them and send improved +    content from more moderate voices. The very same methods developed by the +    most tech-savvy retailers and digital advertisers—by Google and Amazon—are +    deployed to predict, identify, enhance, and target our own citizens. +    were before or that we are experiencing a waning of civil and political +    engagement. While I agree that the growing capacity of the state and +    corporations to monitor citizens may well threaten the private sphere, I am not +    convinced that this is producing new apathy or passivity or docility among +    citizens, so much as a new form of entrancement. The point is, we were once +    kept apathetic through other means, but are now kept apathetic through digital +    distractions. + +Voting turnout and Trump election: + +    The voting patterns of American registered voters has remained constant— +    and apathetic—for at least fifty years. Even in the most important presidential +    elections, voter turnout in this country over the past fifty years or more has +    pretty much fluctuated between 50 percent and 63 percent. By any measure, +    American democracy has been pretty docile for a long time. In fact, if you look +    over the longer term, turnout has been essentially constant since the 1920s and +    the extension of the suffrage to women. Of course, turnout to vote is not the only +    measure of democratic participation, but it is one quantifiable measure. And +    electoral voting is one of the more reliable longitudinal measures of civic +    participation. But our record, in the United States, is not impressive. + +    [...] + +    Despite all this, over 62 million people voted for Donald Trump, resulting in +    his Electoral College victory. And it was by no means an unusual election. Voter +    turnout in 2016 was typical for this country. About 60.2 percent of the +    approximately 231 million eligible voters turned out to vote, representing about +    139 million votes case. That number is consonant with historical turnout in this +    country, almost squarely between voter turnout in 2012 (58.6 percent) and in +    2008 (61.6 percent), but still above most presidential election year turnouts since +    1972. 16 In all categories of white voters, Trump prevailed. + +    [...] + +    The cable news network CNN captured this best in a pithy lead to a story titled +    “Trump: The Social Media President?”: “FDR was the first ‘radio’ president. +    JFK emerged as the first ‘television’ president. Barack Obama broke through as +    the first ‘Internet’ president. Next up? Prepare to meet Donald Trump, possibly +    the first ‘social media’ and ‘reality TV’ president.” 10 + +    [...] + +    This new mode of existence and digital consumption pleases and distracts the +    majority of Americans. The old-fashioned TV has now been enhanced and +    augmented, displaced by social media on digital devices of all sorts and sizes— +    from the Apple Watch and tablet, through the MacBook Air and Mac Pro, to the +    giant screen TV and even the Jumbotron. And all of it serves to pacify the +    masses and ensure that they do not have the time or attention span to question +    the domestication of the counterinsurgency. + +    And, then, it all feeds back into total information awareness. Hand in hand, +    government agencies, social media, Silicon Valley, and large retailers and +    corporations have created a mesmerizing new digital age that simultaneously +    makes us expose ourselves and everything we do to government surveillance and +    that serves to distract and entertain us. All kinds of social media and reality TV +    consume and divert our attention, making us give our data away for free. A +    profusion of addictive digital platforms—from Gmail, Facebook, and Twitter, to +    YouTube and Netflix, Amazon Prime, Instagram, and Snapchat, and now +    Pokémon GO—distract us into exposing all our most private information, in +    order to feed the new algorithms of commerce and intelligence services: to +    profile us for both watch lists and commercial advertising. + +This is compatible with Shoshana Zuboff's Dispossession Cycle: + +    This third aspect of counterinsurgency’s domestication is perhaps the most +    important, because it targets the most prized military and political objective: the +    general masses. And today, in the expository society, the new algorithms and +    digital-advertising methods have propelled the manipulation and propaganda to +    new heights. We are being encouraged by government and enticed by +    multination corporations and social media to expose and express ourselves as +    much as possible, leaving digital traces that permit both government and +    corporations to profile us and then try to shape us accordingly. To make model +    citizens out of us all—which means docile, entranced consumers. The governing +    paradigm here is to frenetically encourage digital activity—which in one sense is +    the opposite of docility—in order to then channel that activity in the right +    direction: consumption, political passivity, and avoiding the radical extremes. + +    What we are witnessing is a new form of digital entrancement that shapes us +    as subjects, blunts our criticality, distracts us, and pacifies us. We spend so much +    time on our phones and devices, we barely have any time left for school or work, +    let alone political activism. In the end, the proper way to think about this all is +    not through the lens of docility, but through the framework of entrancement. It is +    crucial to understand this in the proper way, because breaking this very +    entrancement is key to seeing how counterinsurgency governance operates more +    broadly. Also, because the focus on docility—along an older register of +    discipline—is likely to lead us into an outdated focus on top-down propaganda. + +### Counterrevolution + +    The paradigm was refined +    and systematized, and has now reached a new stage: the complete and systematic +    domestication of counterinsurgency against a home population where there is no +    real insurgency or active minority. This new stage is what I call “The +    Counterrevolution.” + +    The Counterrevolution is a new paradigm of governing our own citizens at +    home, modeled on colonial counterinsurgency warfare, despite the absence of +    any domestic uprising. It is aimed not against a rebel minority—since none +    really exists in the United States—but instead it creates the illusion of an active +    minority which it can then deploy to target particular groups and communities, +    and govern the entire American population on the basis of a counterinsurgency +    warfare model. It operates through the three main strategies at the heart of +    modern warfare, which, as applied to the American people, can be recapitulated +    as follows: + +    1. Total information awareness of the entire American population…: [by the] +    [...] “counterrevolutionary minority.” + +    [...] + +    2. … in order to extract an active minority at home… + +Shock and Awe: + +    3. … and win the hearts and minds of Americans: Meanwhile, the +    counterrevolutionary minority works to pacify and assuage the general +    population in order to ensure that the vast majority of Americans remain +    just that: ordinary consuming Americans. They encourage and promote a +    rich new digital environment filled with YouTube, Netflix, Amazon +    Prime, tweets, Facebook posts, instagrams, snapchats, and reality TV that +    consume attention while digitally gathering personal data—and at times, +    pushing enhanced content. They direct digital propaganda to susceptible +    users. And they shock and awe the masses with their willingness to +    torture suspected terrorists or kill their own citizens abroad. In the end, +    entertaining, distracting, entrancing, and assuaging the general population +    is the key to success—our new form of bread and circus. + +The "new shape" of the State (and it's partners), as a "loose network": + +    These three key strategies now guide governance at home, as they do military +    and foreign affairs abroad. What has emerged today is a new and different art of +    governing. It forms a coherent whole with, at its center, a security apparatus +    composed of White House, Pentagon, and intelligence officials, high-ranking +    congressional members, FISC judges, security and Internet leaders, police +    intelligence divisions, social-media companies, Silicon Valley executives, and +    multinational corporations. This loose network, which collaborates at times and +    competes at others, exerts control by collecting and mining our digital data. Data +    control has become the primary battlefield, and data, the primary resource— +    perhaps the most important primary resource in the United States today. + +    [...] + +    This new mode of governing has no time horizon. It has no sunset provision. And it is +    marked by a tyrannous logic of violence. [...] It is part and parcel of the new +    paradigm of governing that reconciles brutality with legality. + +The unprecedented, self-fulfilling profecy: + +    We govern ourselves +    differently in the United States now: no longer through sweeping social +    programs like the New Deal or the War on Poverty, but through surgical +    counterinsurgency strategies against a phantom opponent. The intensity of the +    domestication now is unprecedented. + +    [...] + +    Counterinsurgency, with its tripartite scheme (active minority, passive masses, +    counterrevolutionary minority) and its tripartite strategy (total awareness, +    eliminate the active minority, pacify the masses) is a deeply counterproductive +    self-fulfilling prophecy that radicalizes individuals against the United States. + +    [...] + +    “The Islamic State has called it ‘the blessed ban’ because it +    supports the Islamic State’s position that America hates Islam. The clause in the +    order that gives Christians preferential treatment will be seen as confirming the +    Islamic State’s apocalyptic narrative that Islam is in a fight to the death against +    the Christian crusaders. The images of Muslim visitors being turned away at +    American airports will only inflame those who seek to do us harm.” 6 + +    [...] + +    We are headed not, as Kant would have it, toward perpetual peace, but +    instead, sounding the refrain of Nietzsche’s eternal return, toward an endless +    state of counterinsurgency warfare.  | 
